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Chapter 13. The General Conference of 1836. · Part 3

4. The distribution of religious tracts is another mode of diffusing abroad a knowledge of the doctrines and duties of Christianity. In this department of our work we have reason to believe that there has been for some years past an unjustifiable neglect. Such is the cheapness of these silent messengers of truth, such the facilities for their circulation by an itinerant ministry, in co-operation with all those who are zealous for God, that no justifiable apology can be offered for the non-performance of this duty-for any one to say that he is not supplied with these means of spiritual improvement. We would therefore most affectionately invite all our brethren of the ministry, and of the laity, to use their diligence to form tract societies, and to engage as many as possible in the work of distribution in every place. Let there be no circuit or station unsupplied with these messengers of mercy, and no hand that can be called into action unemployed in aiding in this good work. Form your societies, collect your moneys, send to our depositories for tracts, and adopt, as far as practicable, a regular system of distribution, such a system as shall secure the co-operation of all concerned, both male and female, young and old. We need hardly say, that this method of circulating religious knowledge is adapted especially to the circumstances and wants of the poor, the illiterate, and the young, for whose present and eternal interest we are bound in a particular manner to labor.

“This branch of our duty is therefore submitted to your pious consideration, under a solemn conviction that, if attended to with zeal and discretion, it will aid us much in the work of saving souls.

5. The continual enlargement of our missionary field, and the increase of pecuniary means for its occupancy and cultivation, are matters of congratulation, and of unfeigned gratitude to God. On this subject we need only exhort you to go on as you have begun, and make the hearts of the heathen, and the poor of your own land, to rejoice by means of your liberality. We have adopted a revised constitution, recommended to us by the managers of our Missionary Society, which we hope will afford increased facilities for the progress of our missionary work, and enable us more effectually to cover the whole ground of this extensive and most interesting department of our labor.

“A field is spread open before us, sufficiently wide and extensive for the full display of all our liberality, and the exercise of all our energies.

“Such measures have been adopted at this conference in reference to this subject, as will tend, we humbly trust, to call forth and train up, more effectually, men for this important work. And surely there is a call — a most imperious call — for all the men and means, to enable us to fill up this extensive field with suitable laborers. In addition to those domestic missions which embrace the poorer settlements of our white population and the slaves of the south, we hear a voice from the distant tribes of our wilderness, all along our western and northwestern frontier, yea, even from the valley of the Columbia river, beyond the Rocky mountains, and on the very borders of the Pacific, which calls humbly for help. From South America, from the desolate shores of Africa, as well as from the vast interior of that mighty continent, a similar voice salutes our ears, and invites us, yea, commands us, in language which appears to be the echo of divine Providence to come over and help them. And shall we be deaf to these calls? We must not. And we are exceedingly happy to have it in our power to say, that you do not turn a deaf ear to them. You, beloved brethren and friends, have come up nobly, spiritually, liberally, and prayerfully to this work. In the name of our common Christianity, and on behalf of those heathen who, but for this timely aid, must have perished for lack of knowledge, we heartily thank you; and from having witnessed your past liberality, we take courage, folly believing that this same benevolent spirit will be continued, and even augmented in a ratio with the increasing wants of our Missionary Society. The whole world is indeed before us. Thousands, yea, millions of immortal beings are, at this moment, enveloped in all the darkness of pagan superstition, or led astray by the delusions of Mohammedan imposture, or buried beneath the rubbish of Roman Catholic mummeries and deceitful workings. Shall we — can we be either idle or indifferent while casting our eyes upon such a mass of moral corruption? No, indeed! Your full hearts respond, No, with an emphasis which shall be heard and felt throughout all the ranks of our Israel and the effects of which will yet be witnessed all along the line of our missionary operations, and even far beyond, at no distant period, the places where the footsteps of the missionary have marked the soil.

“Relying, therefore, upon your hearty co-operation in the grand enterprise of submitting the world to the obedience of Christ, we confidently submit this item in the list of our duties to your pious consideration and benevolent feeling, fully believing that he who hath begun this good work, will carry it on until the day of Jesus Christ.

6. We now approach a subject of no little delicacy and difficulty, and which we cannot but think has contributed its full proportion to that religious declension over which we mourn. It is not unknown to you, dear brethren and friends, that, in common with other denominations in our land, as well as our citizens generally, we have been much agitated in some portions of our work with the very excitable subject of what is called abolitionism. This subject has been brought before us at our present session — fully, and, we humbly trust, impartially discussed, and by almost a unanimous vote highly disapproved of; and while we would tenderly sympathize with those of our brethren who have, as we believe, been led astray by this agitating topic, we feel it our imperative duty to express our decided disapprobation of the measures they have pursued to accomplish their object. It cannot be unknown to you, that the question of slavery in these United States, by the constitutional compact which binds us together as a nation, is left to be regulated by the several state legislatures themselves; and thereby is put beyond the control of the general government, as well as that of all ecclesiastical bodies; it being manifest, that in the slave-holding states themselves the entire responsibility of its existence or non-existence rests with those state legislatures. And such is the aspect of affairs in reference to this question, that whatever else might tend to meliorate the condition of the slave, it is evident to us, from what we have witnessed of abolition movements, that these are the least likely to do him good. On the contrary, we have it in evidence before us, that the inflammatory speeches, writing and movements, have tended, in many instances, injuriously to affect his temporal and spiritual condition, by hedging up the way of the missionary who is sent to preach to him Jesus and the resurrection, and by making a more rigid supervision necessary on the part of his overseer, thereby abridging his civil and religious privileges.

“These facts, which are only mentioned here as a reason for the friendly admonition which we wish to give you, constrain us as your pastors, who are called to watch over your souls as they who must give an account, to exhort you to abstain from all abolition movements and associations, and to refrain from patronizing any of their publications; and especially from those of that inflammatory character which denounce in unmeasured terms those of their brethren who take the liberty to dissent from them. Those of you who may have honest scruples as to the lawfulness of slavery, considered as an abstract principle of moral right and wrong, if you must speak your sentiments, would do much better to express yourselves in those terms of respect and affection, which evince a sincere sympathy for those of your brethren who are necessarily, and, in some instances, reluctantly associated with slavery in the states where it exists, than to indulge in harsh censures and denunciations, and in those fruitless efforts which, instead of lightening the burden of the slave, only tend to make his condition the more irksome and distressing.

“From every view of the subject which we have been able to take, and from the most calm and dispassionate survey of the whole ground, we have come to the solemn conviction, that the only safe, Scriptural, and prudent way for us, both as ministers and people, to take, is wholly to refrain from this agitating subject, which is now convulsing the country, and consequently the Church, from end to end, by calling forth inflammatory speeches, papers, and pamphlets. While we cheerfully accord to such all the sincerity they ask for their belief and motives, we cannot but disapprove of their measures, as alike destructive to the peace of the Church, and to the happiness of the slave himself. But while we thus express our disapprobation of these measures, we would, with equally strong and decided language, record our abhorrence of all unlawful and unscriptural means to check and to counteract them. All mobs, and violent movements of self-created tribunals, to inflict summary punishment upon those who may differ from them in opinion, are condemned alike by the laws of our land, and by every principle of Christianity. We should therefore be extremely pained and mortified to learn that any of you should have lent your influence to foment a spirit of insurrection, in any manner, or to have given sanction to such violent movements as have, in some instances and places, disturbed the peace of society, and forestalled the operation of the established tribunals of justice to protect the innocent and to punish the guilty. To be subject to the powers that be is a duty enjoined no less by Christianity, than it is a dictate of common prudence, necessary to be observed for the preservation of good order, and the support and perpetuation of those civil and religious institutions which we so highly and justly value as freemen, as Christians, and as Methodists. The exercise of mutual forbearance in matters of opinion, is essential in a community where freedom of speech is guarantied to the citizens by the constitution which binds them together, and which defines and secures the rights and liberties of all.

“Finally, brethren and friends, we exhort you to unity and brotherly love, and to the practice of those things which make for peace. Instead of indulging in those irritating recriminations which tend to disturb the harmony of the body, and to prevent the exercise of mutual good will and fraternal feeling, let us follow after that charity which edifieth, and the cultivation of that love which endureth all things, hopeth all things, believeth all things.

7. Among other things which have tended not a little to check the progress of pure religion, may we not include that of political agitations? In a country where the constitution guaranties to every male citizen of full age the right of suffrage, where the freedom of speech and of the press is considered an inviolable right; where free discussion and debate on all civil as well as religious subjects are permitted unrestrainedly, there must be great danger of these high privileges being abused by suffering calm and dispassionate discussion to degenerate into angry recrimination, until passion usurps a dominion over the judgment, and reason is dethroned to make way for the despotic reign of wild fanaticism.

“These remarks are not made with a view to abridge you of any of your civil or political privileges, nor yet to prevent the free exercise of your dearest rights as freemen and as citizens of this great republic, much less to bias your minds in favor of the one or the other of the political parties of our country. Into the party politics of the day we enter not. We leave every man — every Methodist and friend to Methodism — to act for himself in these respects. But what we wish is, as far as possible, to guard you against allowing yourselves to be drawn aside from paramount duties, to mix in that angry strife of political contests which tends to disturb the peace of society, to alienate the affections of brethren from each other, and to interrupt that harmony of feeling which is essential to our spiritual prosperity. While you cleave to the civil institutions of your country, by all due honor to magistrates, and freely exercise your rights in the choice of those who are to rule over you and protect you in the enjoyment of your privileges, we exhort you to peace, to harmony, to love as brethren, and not to allow the spirit of party to awaken animosity, nor zeal in the defense of political distinctions, to dampen your zeal in the cause of God. We wish that discussion of this sort may not be permitted to engender strife and envy, but that mutual good will may soften the asperities of political differences, and cement the hearts of Christian citizens together in love and brotherly kindness.

“And here we would bear our unequivocal testimony against that partisan warfare which leads to the detraction of individual character, and to slanderous representation of motive and conduct. Every man should be presumed to be innocent until proved guilty before some competent tribunal. That press, therefore, which drags before the community individual characters, dealing in personal abuse, and thus holding them up to public execration, on account merely of political differences, is to be condemned as a corrupter of public morals, and as tending to the prostration of our civil and religious liberties. Instead, therefore, of lending your influence to such a spirit of detraction, we would persuade you to raise your voice against it, and to let the law of truth and kindness at all times dwell upon your ups, and influence your conduct in civil as well as religious matters; and thus, as far as possible, to live in peace with all men.

8. While we wish to devote ourselves, and to beseech all our brethren in the ministry to devote themselves exclusively to our peculiar work, we beg leave to remind the membership of the Church of the necessity of providing a competent support for the ministry. On this subject, however, we need not enlarge, as you yourselves know perfectly, that he who ministereth at the altar must be partaker of the things of the altar, and he that ministereth to you in spiritual things must be partaker of your carnal things.

“In conclusion, we would say, that after a laborious session of twenty-six days, we separate for our respective fields of labor, and mingle again with our brethren, under a sense, in some degree at least, of our high responsibility to God and to his Church, and with a determination to devote ourselves, by his grace, to our vocation, with renewed diligence and perseverance; and by beseeching you, dear brethren and friends, to co-operate with us in the grand work of evangelizing the world. Under a consciousness of our continual dependence upon divine aid, we desire to look up to God for the assistance of his Spirit at all times; and to beg an interest in your prayers, that both we ourselves, and all those with whom we are connected in Church fellowship, may be preserved blameless until the day of Jesus Christ; and that by applying ourselves with all diligence in the use of those means which the God of providence and grace hath put within our reach, for the furtherance of his holy cause, we may hereafter be instrumental in reviving his work, and spreading among our fellow men the ‘savor of his name;’ we remain as ever your servants for Christ’s sake.

“Signed by order and in behalf of the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church.

“Robert R. Roberts, “Joshua Soule, “Elijah Hedding, “James O. Andrew. “T. L. Douglass, Secretary. Cincinnati, Oh, May 26,1836.”

As it is not my wish to advert to abolitionism again, I will remark here, that it has continued to agitate the Church from that time to this, much disturbing its peace, and, in some of the annual conferences, distracting its councils, producing finally the secession of a few individuals. Indeed, it was feared, for a time, that its disastrous results would be extensively felt, particularly in some of the eastern and northern conferences; but it has so far passed off in a much more quiet manner than was anticipated, and it is to be hoped that but few, comparatively, will be seriously and lastingly injured by these injudicious measures. Perhaps, however, a future day may disclose facts of a different character, and that a future historian may be called to bear his testimony to a different result. Though it is somewhat difficult to reconcile the conduct of some few leaders in the ranks of abolitionism with a sincere regard to the interests of truth and righteousness, yet we are willing to award to most of those who engaged in the controversy an honest desire to meliorate the condition of the slave, and to purify the Church from what they considered a sinful pollution; although we cannot but think that their measures were ill-chosen, their arguments in the main defective, and their severe denunciations and personal criminations wholly unjustifiable.

The following resolutions have an important bearing upon the itinerancy, and the necessity for them grew out of an increased disposition among some of our preachers to engage in agencies for societies with which we had no connection, and to some of which, as a Church, we were opposed: —

Resolved, That this conference deem it highly culpable for any member of an annual conference, especially for those sustaining supernumerary or effective relations, to engage in agencies not known or recognized in the Methodist Episcopal Church.

Resolved, That any presiding elder who consents for a preacher to leave the work assigned him to engage in agencies of any kind not recognized in the Methodist Episcopal Church, or to become an editor of a paper, is an aggressor in the sight of his brethren, and should be called to an account for his conduct.

Resolved, That there is no such relation provided for in our Discipline as that held by an individual who is left without an appointment at his own request, and that such relations are not promotive of the interests of Methodism.

Resolved, That it is highly improper for any member of an annual conference to engage in political strife, and to offer for a seat in the legislative councils, or Congress hall, or to engage in speculations of any kind that do not draw his earnest attention to the salvation of souls.”

These resolutions were not incorporated in the Discipline, but were ordered to be recorded in the journal of each annual conference, for the regulation of all concerned; and the two first have been of special use in restraining those who seemed much inclined to leave their appropriate work for the purpose of becoming itinerant lecturers in favor of abolitionism, which was then raging in some portions of our country, and which was threatening the peace and harmony of the Church and the nation. And it is believed that the measures of this General Conference, and the subsequent acts of the New York conference, founded upon the known and expressed will of the General Conference, tended very much to check the ebullition of that frenzy which had seized the minds of so many of our preachers and people.

Having finished its work, the conference adjourned late in the evening of May the 27th, to meet again in the city of Baltimore, Md., May 1, 1840.